japan's dual industrial structure as a welfare system the lexus and the olive tree-- and the vulture【外文翻譯】

1、<p><b>　　（2011屆）</b></p><p>　　本科畢業(yè)設計（論文）</p><p><b>　　外文翻譯</b></p><p><b>　　原文：</b></p><p>　　Japan's Dual Industrial Structur

2、e as a Welfare System: "The Lexus and the Olive Tree"-- and "the Vulture"</p><p>　　During the high-growth period of 1950-1973 (Golden Age of Capitalism) and its subsequent two decades, Ja

3、pan came to be known for efficiency and perfectionism in manufacturing as exemplified by the low production costs and high quality of automobiles and electronics it produced. Japan's renowned manufacturing technology

4、, flexible production with "just-in-time" parts delivery, is now in use throughout the advanced world. Yet, now that the Japanese economy has been mired in a prolonged slump over m</p><p>　　What ha

5、s brought Japan's juggernaut to its knees? Why can its government, once so much touted for effectiveindustrialpolicies and administrative guidance, no longer cope with the current economic problems, especially bad ba

6、nk loans, which stand at anywhere between $430 billion (official estimate) and $1.9 trillion (private estimate)? A litany of reform proposals have been put up in the recent past, but so far no decisive and effective impl

7、ementation has taken place.</p><p>　　In order to explain the leitmotiv of this paper, I draw upon the title of a book, The Lexus and the Olive Tree, a recent best-seller written by Thomas Friedman (1999) of

8、the New York Times, a twice-winner of the Pulitzer Prize. He used "the Lexus" as a symbol of an age-old human drive for material betterment and higher standards of living and "the olive tree" as a sym

9、bol of an equally age-old human quest for communal identity, stable sustenance, and social cohesion. The former represents technol</p><p>　　As will be explored below, Japan's current predicament stems es

10、sentially from the difficulty of keeping this socioeconomic balance. And what makes the Japanese quandary even more intractable is the existence of another age-old human trait, cupidity for power. Since Friedman did not

11、mention this third, equally persistent and powerful, human drive, a drive for political/ideological dominance and greed, I am adding a third symbol, "the vulture."</p><p>　　Against this background,

12、 the themes of this paper can be summarized as follows:</p><p>　　In the course of Japan's rapid growth it has ended up creating a newindustrial dualism consisting of a super-efficient "outer-focused

13、 (OF)" sector (symbolized by the Lexus) and an inefficient, but unemployment-alleviating and job-coddling, "inner-focused (IF)" sector (represented by the olive tree).</p><p>　　The real cause

14、of Japan's economic imbroglio is the entrenchment of parochial political interests (vultures) in the zombie-haunted industries in the IF sector (in other words, the olive grove was taken over by vultures).</p>

15、<p>　　The current predicament is a path-dependent outcome of the immediate postwar policies of the Occupation authorities and Japan's subsequent catch-up growth and income distribution measures, an outcome that

16、 is much more strongly molded institutionally than anything else.</p><p>　　Dual Industrial Structure</p><p>　　Japan was once successful in nurturing dynamic comparative advantages and climbing u

17、p the ladder ofindustrial upgrading, rung by rung from low-value-added to higher-value-added industries, under the Japanese-style infant-industry strategy in the post-World War II period (Ozawa 2001a). Initially, all ind

18、ustries were heavily regulated and shielded from competition. Early postwar Japan started out as an exporter of labor-intensive goods (such as textiles and sundries) to earn precious foreign excha</p><p>　　Y

19、et the very success in building up new export-competitive industries necessarily made some existing--especially traditional--industries all the more comparatively disadvantaged. Thus the emergence of the "Lexus"

20、; sector led to that of the "olive grove" sector. Many low-productivity, domestic market-focused industries continued to be heavily protected from both imports and inward foreign investment--protected if not by

21、 outright tariffs and quotas then by regulations and red tape and by the manner</p><p>　　Legacy of the Occupation Policies</p><p>　　The origin of the IF sector, notably agriculture and food and

22、beverage, harks back to the early postwar policy of the Allies' Occupation authorities, as well as to the income-redistribution policies adopted by the Japanese government during the high-growth era of 1950-1973. Ini

23、tially, Japan as a defeated nation began its reconstruction and modernization under the aegis of the United States. Japan's socioeconomic political system was drastically overhauled so as to introduce democracy and t

24、o elim</p><p>　　Agriculture in particular was forcefully "democratized" by a drastic land reform to emancipate peasants.Under this reform about 1.5 million landlords had lost their farmland (except

25、 about five hectares, or 12.4 acres, for their own use) by 1950, while 4 million peasant households acquired new land (Nakamura 1994). Consequently, the poor tenant farmers all but disappeared. Reportedly, General Dougla

26、s MacArthur observed "no surer foundation would be found on which to construct a sound and moderate</p><p>　　In short, MacArthur's farm reform did rectify the serious mal-distribution of farm income

27、s and created a vast "low-middle-income" group of farmers who would form an important source of domestic demand for household goods Japan's early postwar industry was about to produce--a market that would s

28、upplement export markets in enabling Japanese manufacturers to reap scale economies. Moreover, self-cultivating farmers like small landowners became all the more motivated to adopt new technology, such as </p><

29、;p>　　Takeover of "the Olive Grove" by "the Vulture"</p><p>　　Most important of all, however, once the communist threat emerged, with the strong backing of the United States a conservat

30、ive political party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), was established in November 1955. And Nobusuke Kishi (who became a prime minister in 1957), a war criminal as minister of munitions in Tojo's cabinet, was free

31、d from war crime charges and released from prison, along with others. Many war-time economic planners, who once were engaged in the Greater East Asian Co-Prosper</p><p>　　As might well have been expected, th

32、e agricultural regions, along with their surrounding semi-urban farm-linked areas (where farm-related economic activities such as dairy, food processing, farm supplies, and services are concentrated), became a major poli

33、tical base for the LDP. Early on (for instance, in 1955), agriculture was the major political support group for the LDP when that sector alone provided employment for as much as 39 percent of Japan's work force and y

34、ielded 21 per cent of GDP (A</p><p>　　Protection and Subsidization</p><p>　　According to traditionalists, agriculture should be regarded as a "cultural industry" since rice cultivation

35、 and the rural communities based on such farming represent many centuries of unique Japanese history, culture, tradition, and mores--hence, the Japanese "soul" itself. Even though Japan now allows rice imports,

36、 its agriculture continues to be heavily subsidized (just as is the case with the European Union and the United States.). As much as 59 percent of farm incomes in Japan come from sub</p><p>　　Japan's lab

37、yrinthine distribution industry used to be likewise romanticized and extolled as a neighborhood-community service provider, since the distribution system used to be full of small "mom and pop" shops whose owner

38、s knew their customers intimately as neighbors. Japanese housewives once shopped practically on a daily basis for fresh supplies of vegetables, fish, and meats, especially in the early postwar period when refrigerators w

39、ere still out of reach for ordinary households. These small</p><p>　　Indeed, agriculture and distribution have long served as a private welfare provider. It was the agriculture sector that was able to absorb

40、 millions of returnees from overseas, as nearly 6 million demobilized soldiers and repatriated civilians flooded back into Japan from its lost territories, and most of them settled in the rural areas with their families,

41、 relatives, and friends right after war's end. The distribution sector has similarly been labor absorbing, since small shops and jobbers are f</p><p>　　The interests of the construction industry, in part

42、icular, became entwined with the government policy to distribute the benefits of high growth promoted under the National Income-Doubling Plan of 1960 in such a way to eliminate the interregional and inter-sectorial incom

43、e disparities, especially between the industrialized urban and the rural farm-based regions. Under the comprehensive National Development Plan of 1962, the government selected thirteen newindustrial cities and six specia

44、l areas f</p><p>　　Source：Ozawa, Terutomo. Journal of Economic Issues (Association for Evolutionary Economics), Jun2003, Vol. 37 Issue 2, p519, 8p</p><p><b>　　譯文：</b></p><

45、p>　　日本的雙重工業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)的福利制度:“凌志和橄欖樹”,“禿鷲”</p><p>　　在高增長期,1950-1973(黃金年齡的資本主義)及其以后的兩年來,日本是知道的效率和完美主義在制造業(yè)所體現(xiàn)的低成本、高質(zhì)量的汽車和電子制作。日本著名制造技術(shù),靈活生產(chǎn)的“時間”部分交付,現(xiàn)已在使用先進的世界。然而,現(xiàn)在,日本經(jīng)濟陷入長期低迷超過十年的爆裂的資產(chǎn)泡沫1990,世界的看法,日本經(jīng)濟的急劇變化,從欽佩冷漠甚至

46、可惜的。</p><p>　　是什么使日本就范嗎? 為何其政府,一旦如此吹捧為有效的工業(yè)政策和行政指導,不再應付當前的經(jīng)濟問題,特別是銀行不良貸款,站在各地(官方估計)和1.9兆元(私人估計)? 一連串的改革建議已在最近的過去,但到目前為止沒有果斷和有效執(zhí)行。</p><p>　　為了解釋中心思想這份文件,我利用項目的一本書,凌志和橄欖樹,最近的一個暢銷書由托馬斯·弗里德曼(19

47、99)的《紐約時報,一名兩次冠軍的普利策獎。他用“凌志”為標志的一個古老人類活動材料改善和提高生活水平和“橄欖樹”為標志的一個同樣老人類追求社區(qū)特性,穩(wěn)定糧食和社會的和諧。前代表技術(shù)效率,后者是人類向往,和關(guān)注的,生活安全和文化特征。和弗里德曼說,一個健康的平衡凌志汽車和橄欖樹,即在效率和安全,需要保留,尤其是在這個年齡的全球化和快速變化的世界。</p><p>　　將探討以下,日本目前的困境主要是難以維持這個社

48、會經(jīng)濟平衡。和日本所提出的困境更棘手的是存在的另一種古老人類特點,貪婪的權(quán)力。因為弗里德曼并沒有提及這第三,同樣持續(xù)和強大,人類驅(qū)動器、推動政治/思想支配和貪婪,我增加第三號、“禿鷲”。</p><p>　　在此背景下,主題的這份文件可以歸納如下:</p><p>　　1、在日本的快速增長,已經(jīng)結(jié)束了創(chuàng)造一個新的工業(yè)二元論包括一個超級有效"外重點(的)"部門(象征的凌志

49、)和效率不高,但失業(yè)-減輕和就業(yè)姑息,”內(nèi)重點(如果)“部門(由橄欖樹)。</p><p>　　2、真正的原因,日本經(jīng)濟的鞏固是紛亂的狹隘的政治利益(饗宴)Zombie-鬼產(chǎn)業(yè)如果部門(換言之,橄欖園由饗宴)。</p><p>　　3、目前的困境的路徑依賴的直接結(jié)果戰(zhàn)后政策占領(lǐng)當局和日本后來趕上增長和收入分配措施,一個結(jié)果,是更為強烈型體制比任何其他東西。</p><p

50、><b>　　雙重工業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)</b></p><p>　　日本是一旦成功培育動態(tài)比較優(yōu)勢和攀梯的產(chǎn)業(yè)升級、龍陵的從低附加值較高附加值產(chǎn)業(yè),在日本式嬰兒-工業(yè)戰(zhàn)略后,第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間(2001年小澤一)。最初,所有工業(yè)大量管制,避免競爭。日本戰(zhàn)后初期開始,作為出口國的勞動密集型產(chǎn)品(如紡織和雜品)贏得寶貴外匯,基本上是重復其戰(zhàn)前經(jīng)驗。 為了使日本不保持長期出口低工資的貨物,但是,選擇性的

51、工業(yè)政策,積極致力于創(chuàng)造比較優(yōu)勢。 第一的政策是用在資本密集型產(chǎn)業(yè)(如鋼鐵、造船、重型機械)——以前建筑在戰(zhàn)前天,但被毀或離開期間破舊的戰(zhàn)爭,那么在更多的科技產(chǎn)業(yè)(如汽車、電腦和其他電子)。</p><p>　　但成功地建立新的出口競爭行業(yè)一定會取得一些現(xiàn)有——特別是傳統(tǒng)——產(chǎn)業(yè)更較為不利。因此,出現(xiàn)“凌志”部門主導的“橄欖園”部門 很多低生產(chǎn)力,國內(nèi)市場重點行業(yè)繼續(xù)大量受進口和外來投資--保護如果不徹底的關(guān)稅和

52、配額由當時的條例和官僚主義和方式的產(chǎn)業(yè)組織嚴密公司網(wǎng)絡。結(jié)果是出現(xiàn)一個新的工業(yè)二元論:一個高效外重點(的)部門和一個隱蔽進口反對(或nontradable)內(nèi)重點(如果)部門,滿足國內(nèi)市場。該部門是最能代表的汽車和電子產(chǎn)品。該部門包括主要的遮蔽"無效"行業(yè)如農(nóng)業(yè)、分配(批發(fā)和零售)、電信、運輸、銀行、金融、保險、建筑、房地產(chǎn)、食品和飲料(小澤一郎1996年)。</p><p><b>

53、;　　遺產(chǎn)占領(lǐng)政策</b></p><p>　　的來源,如果部門,特別是在農(nóng)業(yè)和食品和飲料,奉命搬到早期戰(zhàn)后政策盟國占領(lǐng)當局,以及對收入再分配政策,日本政府在高增長時代的1950-1973。最初,日本作為戰(zhàn)敗國開始重建和現(xiàn)代化建設的主持下的美國。日本的社會經(jīng)濟政治系統(tǒng)是大幅改革,實行民主和消除任何封建遺留下來的戰(zhàn)前年。(事實上,這個美國 努力將會是一個最成功案例的“國家建設“在今天的用語。)</

54、p><p>　　農(nóng)業(yè),特別是有力地“民主化”的大幅土地改革解放農(nóng)民。根據(jù)這項改革0業(yè)主已經(jīng)失去了農(nóng)田(除五公頃土地,或12.4畝,為自己使用)1950,雖然0農(nóng)戶獲得新的土地(Nakamura1994年)。因此,窮人租戶農(nóng)民全部消失。據(jù)報道,一般道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟指出,“沒有把握基金會將會發(fā)現(xiàn),為建設一個健康和溫和民主,沒有更值得信賴的壓力防御的極端意識形態(tài)”(高橋1968,129)。麥克阿瑟也轉(zhuǎn)換戰(zhàn)前的等

55、級和戰(zhàn)時的農(nóng)業(yè)協(xié)會為一個民主農(nóng)業(yè)合作系統(tǒng)。美國因此決定的”,儲備[日本]盡可能從社會主義侵犯"(鶴1993、39)。</p><p>　　總之,麥克阿瑟的農(nóng)場的改革并糾正嚴重MAL-分發(fā)農(nóng)業(yè)收入和創(chuàng)造了一個龐大的「低收入"組農(nóng)民將形成一個重要來源,國內(nèi)需求的家庭用品日本戰(zhàn)后初期約工業(yè)生產(chǎn)--一個市場,將補充出口市場,使日本廠商獲得規(guī)模經(jīng)濟。此外,自我培養(yǎng)農(nóng)民像小地主變得更為主動采取新的技術(shù),如

56、隔熱水稻種子床、殺蟲劑、除草劑和新肥料,所有“推動農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)出新的境界(1994年中村,145)。</p><p>　　收購的“橄欖園”的“禿鷲”</p><p>　　最重要的,但是,一旦出現(xiàn)了共產(chǎn)黨的威脅的有力支持美國的保守政黨,自民黨(自民黨),成立于1955 11月。 和岸信介(成為總理在1957),戰(zhàn)爭刑事部長的彈藥東條內(nèi)閣,擺脫戰(zhàn)爭犯罪指控和釋放出獄,與其他人。許多戰(zhàn)爭時期經(jīng)濟規(guī)劃者

57、,他曾經(jīng)從事大東亞共榮圈計劃,被允許返回日本的統(tǒng)制式官僚主義。他們發(fā)起了一系列的工業(yè)政策,最終導致作用最近日本的主要集成的東亞經(jīng)濟體的貿(mào)易渠道和外國直接投資。日本政府,一旦下獲得獨立的舊金山和平條約,1951,也開始一個所謂千五海覺(戰(zhàn)后改革)建立一套新的體制安排自己的,包括國家針對“主要銀行”的財政制度和成立的公司甚至放寬占領(lǐng)實行反壟斷法。</p><p>　　作為可能已經(jīng)預期,農(nóng)業(yè)地區(qū),與周圍半城市農(nóng)業(yè)與地區(qū)

58、(如農(nóng)業(yè)有關(guān)經(jīng)濟活動,如牛奶、食品加工、農(nóng)場用品和服務,集中),成為一個重大的政治基礎的自民黨。 早期(例如,在1955),農(nóng)業(yè)是主要的政治支持自民黨組時,提供就業(yè)部門就高達39%,日本的工作隊,取得了21%的國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值(阿爾吉和施泰因1997年)。事實上,這個農(nóng)場地區(qū)來的選舉投票人數(shù)過多,人口開始不斷轉(zhuǎn)向城市工業(yè)領(lǐng)域同樣與戰(zhàn)后工業(yè)化。 在1976,例如,前,只占20%的選民的國家,能夠決定約30%的席位,在議會下院(興元1989)。

59、 全國系統(tǒng)和農(nóng)業(yè)合作協(xié)會在農(nóng)村地區(qū)成為一個強大投票組織確保自民黨候選人。</p><p><b>　　保護和補貼</b></p><p>　　根據(jù)傳統(tǒng),農(nóng)業(yè)應被視為一種“文化產(chǎn)業(yè),因為水稻種植和農(nóng)村社區(qū)基于這種農(nóng)業(yè)代表很多世紀的獨特歷史、文化、傳統(tǒng)和習俗,因此,日本“靈魂”。盡管日本目前允許進口大米,農(nóng)業(yè)繼續(xù)大量補貼(就像是歐盟和美國。)。為59%的農(nóng)業(yè)收入在日本來自

60、補貼,相比之下,約有20%和31%的美國和歐洲(經(jīng)合組織統(tǒng)計報告說,“農(nóng)業(yè)補貼:經(jīng)濟的災難,“商業(yè)周2002年9月9日,50)。</p><p>　　日本建筑行業(yè)分配使用,并稱贊同樣被作為一個街道社區(qū)服務提供商,因為分配制度,充分使用的小“山姆大叔”店老板知道他們的客戶作為鄰國密切。 日本家庭主婦一旦那幾乎每天供應新鮮蔬菜、魚、肉、特別是在戰(zhàn)后初期冰箱時仍然沒有達到普通家庭。這些小零售店曾受大競爭,更有效地零售商

61、如百貨、折扣店、超市——的大規(guī)模存儲法和法律的百貨店,這兩個大賣場限制競爭,小。</p><p>　　事實上,農(nóng)業(yè)和分配一直作為社會福利服務提供商。這是農(nóng)業(yè)部門,能夠吸納數(shù)以百萬計的回返海外盡量接近0退役士兵和平民浸水遣返回日本領(lǐng)土從其損失,而且大部分是在解決農(nóng)村家庭、親戚朋友在戰(zhàn)爭的結(jié)束。分銷部門同樣是勞動吸收,因為小商店和行的家庭擁有和愿意雇用他們的就業(yè)尋找親人和朋友在一個集體方式。此外,農(nóng)業(yè)和分配、建筑、小

62、企業(yè),和其他如產(chǎn)業(yè)來同樣受到管制,以避免過度競爭(即以不正常利潤)和有效資助,使工作安全將得到保持。</p><p>　　利益的建筑行業(yè),特別是,成為與緊密相連的政府政策的利益分配的高增長下促進國家收入增加一倍1960計劃在這種方式,消除區(qū)域間和跨部門收入差距,特別是在工業(yè)化城市和農(nóng)村農(nóng)場的地區(qū)。根據(jù)國家的綜合發(fā)展計劃,1962,政府選出新的工業(yè)城市0 0特別地區(qū)和國家資助基礎設施發(fā)展項目(內(nèi)野1983,116)

63、。自那以來,一大筆錢已經(jīng)投入每年農(nóng)村地區(qū),造成意外公共工程的建設和房地產(chǎn)公司。 建筑行業(yè)已經(jīng)進一步推動鶴平田中的行政(1972-74)。 田中的龐大和暢銷書,重建計劃的日本列島,成為基礎的工業(yè)外移的交通擠塞太帶。財政開支,擴大公共工程的子彈火車鐵路和公路系統(tǒng)全國放大。一個結(jié)果是價格上漲的土地。事實上,日本出現(xiàn)泡沫戰(zhàn)后的第一次在土地、股票在1972-73。</p><p>　　在日本,建筑公司及其工作人員(估計超過

64、0,約10%左右的日本勞動力)一直堅定支持者的自民黨的理由。 很多,這些企業(yè),尤其是大聘請資深官員從中央政府(尤其是建設部)和公共機構(gòu)(如日本公路公司)通過稱為amakudari(后裔天上的)。威廉·塔布(1995年),甚至要求日本“國家的建設,“在同日而語,一些國家可能列為軍事工業(yè)國家或福利國家:</p><p>　　循環(huán)流動的納稅人是建設企業(yè)大規(guī)模發(fā)展項目、橋梁、隧道、公路、機場。這筆錢是主張建筑公