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1、<p><b> 外文翻譯</b></p><p><b> 原文1</b></p><p> The work values of first-year college students: exploring group differences</p><p> A sample of 3,570 fi
2、rst-year college students were surveyed regarding the factors they deemed most important to their long-term career choice. Students as a whole identified intrinsic interest, high salary, contributions to society, and pre
3、stige as their 4 most important work values. Additional analyses found men more likely to espouse extrinsic values, women more likely to espouse social values, and students from median parental-income groups more likely
4、to espouse intrinsic values. In light of</p><p> Author: Duffy. Ryan D,Sedlacek. William E </p><p> Nationality: USA</p><p> Originate from: College studen
5、ts (Surveys)Career development 2007(4), 89–100</p><p><b> 譯文1</b></p><p> 大一學生的職業(yè)價值觀:探索他們的差異</p><p> 對一個樣本為3,570個大一學生進行了調查,他們認為最重要的因素是其長期的職業(yè)選擇。學生整體的內在的興趣、薪水高、對社會的貢獻和
6、信譽是他們認為最重要的4個工作價值觀。更多的分析發(fā)現(xiàn),男性更加在乎外在價值,女性更傾向于社會價值觀,而那些來自中層收入的學生更加看重內在價值。根據(jù)這些結果顯示,輔導員都鼓勵學生注重職業(yè)價值觀決策過程中的扮演的角色。</p><p> 幾個著名的職業(yè)發(fā)展理論家們已經認識到,職業(yè)價值觀在職業(yè)咨詢和職業(yè)生涯決策過程中發(fā)揮重要作用(Dawis, 2001; Holland, 1997; Super, 1980)。職業(yè)價
7、值觀是指一個人想離開該工作時,該工作中影響他們工作滿意度的因素(Dawis, 2001; Elizur, 1984)。職業(yè)價值觀被視為大學生生涯輔導過程中的關鍵(Luzzo, 2000)。然而,實證研究表明學院學生的職業(yè)價值觀被限制于職業(yè)技能和興趣。此外,一些特定群體的學生,比如那些處在第一個職業(yè)生涯關鍵時刻的學生,已經收到了令人吃驚的關注。因此,本研究的目的是探索大一學生的職業(yè)價值觀,以確定不同性別、種族、父母的收入和教育抱負的特點,
8、并探究如何將產生的結果用于職業(yè)輔導。</p><p> 研究特殊群體的職業(yè)價值觀的差異往往集中在性別,文化,種族。大量研究發(fā)現(xiàn),男性一般最求威望,責任,比女性扮演更重要角色。相反,女性更容易傾向社會價值,如幫助他人,比例高于男人 (Abu-Saad & Isralowitz, 1997; Elizur, 1994; Perrone, Sedlacek, & Alexander, 2001; Si
9、ngh, 1994)。在數(shù)量有限的研究中,職業(yè)價值觀的差異有種族而不同也被認證了。黑種人的學生往往更注重外在和威望導向的價值觀,而白種人學生趨向于社會價值觀,白種人中的男性的職業(yè)價值觀傾向于經濟報酬和工作保障(Carter, Gushue, & Weitzman, 1994; Johnson, 2002)。鑒于之前的研究,我們會假設職業(yè)監(jiān)制關會有顯著的性別差異和種族差異,男性和黑人學生更容易注重外在價值,而女性和白人學生更有可能
10、支持社會價值觀。我們還研究了職業(yè)價值觀受父母的收入和教育抱團等因素的差異。</p><p> 研究對象為一所大西洋沿岸中部大學的3570名大一學生。在受試者中,2124(59.1%)是白種人,371(10.3%)是非裔美國人,478(13.3%)是亞裔美國人和189(5.3%)是拉丁裔。有幾乎同等數(shù)量的男性(1,782,50%)和女性(1,788,50%)。男人可能會更容易接收消息,加強外在導向的目標,如高預期
11、收益,而女性可能更社會化進入職業(yè)生涯相關的工作價值觀與人們的工作和對社會的貢獻。同樣,學生的父母有低于或高于平均收入的消極和積極影響工資的家庭環(huán)境,因此可能是受到了更多的外在導向的目標。 </p><p> 作者:Duffy. Ryan D,Sedlacek. William E </p><p><b> 國籍:美國</b></p><
12、p> 出處:大學生職業(yè)發(fā)展調查,2007(4), 第89–100頁</p><p><b> 原文2</b></p><p> Professional Values and the Allure of the Market</p><p> Students As Consumers</p><p>
13、Students first became consumers when what became known as Pell Grants were initiated in the early 1970s. The grants gave student-aid money to students rather than to institutions, creating what was in effect a national v
14、oucher system. The idea behind the grants was that students would behave like rational economic actors and search for the best educational bargain, forcing institutions of higher education to compete with one another for
15、 students and making the system more efficient. As state res</p><p> When universities think of students as consumers, they "package" themselves to entice students. The registrar becomes the head
16、of enrollment management, concerned with bringing in the first-year class, and registration staff increases as that function becomes more important. Institutions spend large sums on recruitment, sending glossy viewbooks
17、selling the "college experience" to students who have the right zip codes, that is, those corresponding with neighborhoods where parents are likely to ha</p><p> If students are consumers, they ar
18、e also a captive market. Administrators are doing away with subsidized dorm food services and treating student unions like profit centers, leasing space to nutritionally questionable food chains. Many universities have t
19、urned their bookstores over to Barnes and Noble. And some issue students institutional credit cards with cute names, enabling students to purchase everything sold by the institution, even when cheaper options exist not f
20、ar off campus. In short, s</p><p> As consumers, students no longer see themselves as apprentices who come to the university to sit at the feet of distinguished scholars and enjoy learning for its own sake.
21、 Instead, they feel compelled to maximize their investment in education, and they migrate to high-end professional colleges or preprofessional (law and medicine) programs. The liberal arts has lost students, and it depen
22、ds more and more for enrollments on required general education courses and electives, often taught by less ex</p><p> Money is also transforming graduate education, drawing students into fields promising im
23、mediate financial rewards. Because of competition for entry into programs in medicine, law, and business, and the high rates of return that accrue to degrees from them, institutions have started to charge higher tuition
24、in these programs than in others. Enticing graduate students into the physical and biological sciences remains difficult, because these fields still demand arduous apprenticeships. Foreign nat</p><p> In re
25、cent years, corporate funding for university research, which has consequences for graduate students, has increased rapidly. Often, corporations require professors to sign agree-ments that allow the corporations to review
26、 any articles or presentations that come out of a sponsored project. The corporations reserve the right to prevent communication of research if they believe publication or discussion will be prejudicial to their intellec
27、tual property rights. Although corporate sponsors rarel</p><p> By law, scientific discoveries that are published cannot be patented afterward. Graduate students perform the bench science in most discoverie
28、s and are often named on patents. A federal appeals court ruled that placing a dissertation on a library shelf constitutes publication; ergo, dissertations are sometimes delayed. Secret research, once associated with the
29、 military and banned from many campuses, has unobtrusively re-entered many universities by way of corporate sponsorship of research.</p><p> Moreover, as professors work with corporate sponsors, they begin
30、to redefine the nature of graduate student research. Students with corporate stipends frequently have to meet tight corporate deadlines. Although professors say they try to accept corporate funds only for "interesti
31、ng" and "publishable" projects, such research often has commercial applications. Rather than exploring the endless frontiers of knowledge, graduate students and their professors search for products suitabl
32、e for the globa</p><p> Author: George Soros </p><p> Nationality: USA</p><p> Originate from:Academe: Magazine of the AAUP, 2001(10), 167–182</p><p><b> 譯文2&
33、lt;/b></p><p> 職業(yè)價值觀和市場吸引力</p><p><b> 學生作為消費者</b></p><p> 作為消費者,學生不再把自己當做學徒,坐在著名學者的旁邊,享受學習的樂趣。相反,他們覺得必須把他們的教育投資最大化,遷移到高端職業(yè)院?;蚵毲绊椖浚ǚ珊歪t(yī)學)。文科生越來越少,這是因為招生越來越多需要通識教育課程
34、和選修課程,這往往需要支付更高費用的教師來教授。</p><p> 錢也是研究生觀念轉變的原因,學生都進入有直接經濟回報有前途的領域。因為在一些高回報率的專業(yè):醫(yī)學、法律、商業(yè)中,機構已開始收取比其他專業(yè)較高的學費。做非常受歡迎的物理和生物科學的研究生仍然是困難的,因為這些領域需要具有艱苦意志的學生。外籍人士填補超過一半的地方在這些領域,盡管許多研究生在科學和工程獲得更高的津貼的學生相比,在非科學領域,并且經常
35、得到資金從合同和贊助商,使他們的收入相當于助理教授的“窮人”字段。</p><p> 近年來,企業(yè)資助大學研究,這將會影響研究生以致數(shù)量有了迅速增長。通常,企業(yè)需要教授簽署同意差事,允許公司審查任何文章或報告,走出一個贊助的項目。企業(yè)有權阻止通信的研究如果他們相信出版物或討論將危害他們的知識產權。盡管企業(yè)贊助商很少行使這些權利,因為擔心一些研究生無法及時完成論文。</p><p> 換
36、言之,企業(yè)追求利潤,管理者尋求機構收入是通過教授等大學資源來實現(xiàn)的。(研究生往往忽略了一些創(chuàng)新活動,因為大學將他們定義為員工,并推而廣之,他們只是做一些雇傭工作,具有諷刺意味的是,大學對研究生進行分類后,他們會因為集體問題而吵架)。因此,公司是一把雙刃劍,雖然公司可能是巨人的管理者和教授。</p><p> 在后現(xiàn)代的二十一世紀,職業(yè)價值觀,一旦標志著企業(yè)和大學之間的邊界顯得古樸,就不可能天真。然而,教授和管理
37、者如果要繼續(xù)獲得公眾的信任和資金支持,他們必須區(qū)分自己的企業(yè)世界,找出一個新的社會契約。這樣的合同不會投降的市場,也不會簡單地維護舊的系統(tǒng)。教師們要保持專業(yè)以外的市場空間,將全身心地投入到了這樣的合同,并爭取管理員,學生和市民的支持。這樣的一個項目將是一項集體努力,也許一組教授作為教授,如AAUP,美國教師聯(lián)合會和全國教育協(xié)會,以及在學術和專業(yè)的社會。在某些時候,管理的協(xié)會,如美國大學協(xié)會,美國的學院和大學協(xié)會和美國教育理事會,將有包括
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