新聞媒體外文文獻(xiàn)翻譯

1、<p>　　Journalism.org Pew Research Center's Project for Excellence in Journalism </p><p>　　《New Media Old Media》</p><p>　　How Blogs and Social Media Agendas Relate and Differ from the

2、 Traditional Press.</p><p>　　News today is increasingly a shared, social experience. Half of Americans say they rely on the people around them to find out at least some of the news they need to know. [1] Som

3、e 44% of online news users get news at least a few times a week through emails, automatic updates or posts from social networking sites. In 2009, Twitter's monthly audience increased by 200%. [2]</p><p>

4、　　While most original reporting still comes from traditional journalists, technology makes it increasingly possible for the actions of citizens to influence a story's total impact.</p><p>　　What types of

5、 news stories do consumers share and discuss the most? What issues do they have less interest in? What is the interplay of the various new media platforms? And how do their agendas compare with that of the mainstream pre

6、ss? </p><p>　　To answer these questions, the Pew Research Center's Project for Excellence in Journalism has gathered a year of data on the top news stories discussed and linked to on blogs and social med

7、ia pages and seven months' worth on Twitter. We also have analyzed a year of the most viewed news-related videos on YouTube. Several clear trends emerge.</p><p>　　Most broadly, the stories and issues tha

8、t gain traction in social media differ substantially from those that lead in the mainstream press. But they also differ greatly from each other. Of the 29 weeks that we tracked all three social platforms, blogs, Twitter

9、and YouTube shared the same top story just once. That was the week of June 15-19, when the protests that followed the Iranian elections led on all three.</p><p>　　Each social media platform also seems to hav

10、e its own personality and function. In the year studied, bloggers gravitated toward stories that elicited emotion, concerned individual or group rights or triggered ideological passion. Often these were stories that peop

11、le could personalize and then share in the social forum – at times in highly partisan language. And unlike in some other types of media, the partisanship here does not lean strongly to one side or the other. Even on stor

12、ies like the Tea</p><p>　　On Twitter, by contrast, technology is a major focus – with a heavy prominence on Twitter itself – while politics plays a much smaller role. The mission is primarily about passing a

13、long important – often breaking – information in a way that unifies or assumes shared values within the Twitter community.And the breaking news that trumped all else across Twitter in 2009 focused on the protests followi

14、ng the Iranian election. It led as the top news story on Twitter for seven weeks in a row – a feat </p><p>　　YouTube has still other characteristics that set it apart. Here, users don't often add commen

15、ts or additional insights but instead take part by selecting from millions of videos and sharing. Partly as a result, the most watched videos have a strong sense of serendipity. They pique interest and curiosity with a s

16、trong visual appeal. The “Hey you've got to see this,” mentality rings strong. Users also gravitate toward a much broader international mix here as videos transcend language barriers in</p><p>　　Across

17、all three social platforms, though, attention spans are brief. Just as news consumers don't stay long on any website, social media doesn't stay long on any one story. On blogs, 53% of the lead stories in a given

18、week stay on the list no more than three days. On Twitter that is true of 72% of lead stories, and more than half (52%) are on the list for just 24 hours.</p><p>　　And most of those top weekly stories differ

19、 dramatically from what is receiving attention in the traditional press. Blogs overlap more than Twitter, but even there only about a quarter of the top stories in any given week were the same as in the “MSM.”</p>

20、<p>　　Instead, social media tend to home in on stories that get much less attention in the mainstream press. And there is little evidence, at least at this point, of the traditional press then picking up on those s

21、tories in response. Across the entire year studied, just one particular story or event – the controversy over emails relating to global research that came to be known as “ Climate-gate ” – became a major item in the blog

22、osphere and then, a week later , gaining more traction in traditional me</p><p>　　These are some conclusions drawn from one of the first comprehensive empirical assessments of the relationships between socia

23、l media and the more traditional press.</p><p>　　The study examined the blogosphere and social media by tracking the news linked to on millions of blogs and social media pages tracked by Icerocket and Techno

24、rati from January 19, 2009, through January 15, 2010. [3] It also tracked the videos on YouTube's news channel for the same period. It measured Twitter by tracking news stories linked to within tweets as monitored by

25、 Tweetmeme from June 15, 2009, through January 15, 2010. [4]</p><p>　　Among the specific findings: </p><p>　　Social media and the mainstream press clearly embrace different agendas. Blogs shared

26、 the same lead story with traditional media in just 13 of the 49 weeks studied.Twitter was even less likely to share the traditional media agenda – the lead story matched that of the mainstream press in just four weeks o

27、f the 29 weeks studied. On YouTube, the top stories overlapped with traditional media eight out of 49 weeks. </p><p>　　The stories that gain traction in social media do so quickly, often within hours of ini

28、tial reports, and leave quickly as well. Just 5% of the top five stories on Twitter remained among the top stories the following week. This was true of 13% of the top stories on blogs and 9% on YouTube. In the mainstream

29、 press, on the other hand, fully 50% of the top five stories one week remained a top story a week later.</p><p>　　Politics, so much a focus of cable and radio talk programming, has found a place in blogs and

30、 on YouTube. On blogs, 17% of the top five linked-to stories in a given week were about US government or politics, often accompanied by emphatic personal analysis or evaluations. These topics were even more prevalent amo

31、ng news videos on YouTube, where they accounted for 21% of all top stories. On Twitter, however, technology stories were linked to far more than anything else, accounting for 43% of the t</p><p>　　While soci

32、al media players espouse a different agenda than the mainstream media, blogs still heavily rely on the traditional press – and primarily just a few outlets within that – for their information. More than 99% of the storie

33、s linked to in blogs came from legacy outlets such as newspapers and broadcast networks.。 And just four – the BBC, CNN, the New York Times and the Washington Post accounted for fully 80% of all links.</p><p>

34、;　　Twitter, by contrast, was less tied to traditional media. Here half (50%) of the links were to legacy outlets; 40% went to web-only news sources such as Mashable and CNET.The remaining 10% went to wire stories or non-

35、news sources on the Web such as a blog known as “Green Briefs,” which summarized daily developments during the June protests in Iran. </p><p>　　The most popular news videos on YouTube, meanwhile, stood out f

36、or having a broader international mix. A quarter, 26%, of the top watched news videos were of non-US events, primarily those with a strong visual appeal such as raw footage of Pope Benedict XVI getting knocked over durin

37、g Mass on Christmas Eve or a clip of a veteran Brazilian news anchor getting caught insulting some janitors without realizing his microphone was still live. Celebrity and media-focused videos were also given significa<

38、;/p><p>　　In producing PEJ's New Media Index, the basis for this study, there are some challenges posed by the breath of potential outlets. There are literally millions of blogs and tweets produced each day

39、. To make that prospect manageable, the study observes the “news” interests of those people utilizing social media, as classified by the tracking websites. PEJ did not make a determination as to what constitutes a news s

40、tory as opposed to some other topic, but generally, areas outside the traditional no</p><p>　　By focusing on this type of subject matter, the study creates a close comparison between the news agenda of users

41、 of social media and of the more traditional news media. This approach could tend to make the agendas of the mainstream and new media platforms appear even more similar than they would be if a wider array of subject matt

42、er were practicable to capture. Thus the divergent agendas found here, if anything, are even more striking.</p><p><b>　　Note:</b></p><p>　　1 .http://www.journalism.org/analysis_repor

43、t/understanding_participatory_news_consumer </p><p>　　2 .http://www.emarketer.com/Article.aspx?R=1007271 </p><p>　　3. For the NMI, the priorities of bloggers and users of Twitter are measured in

44、 terms of percentage of links. Each time a news blog or social media Web page adds a link to its site directing its readers to a news story, it suggests that the author places at least some importance on the content of

45、that article. The user may or may not agree with the contents of the article, but they feel it is important enough to draw the reader's attention to it.</p><p>　　4. There were three weeks in 2009 when no

46、 NMI was produced: March 2-6, November 16-20, and December 14-18. </p><p><b>　　新媒體與舊媒體</b></p><p>　　博客和社會(huì)媒體議程的關(guān)系如何不同于傳統(tǒng)的新聞。</p><p>　　今天的新聞越來(lái)越多地是共享的，社會(huì)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)。一半的美國(guó)人說(shuō)他們依靠他們周?chē)?/p>

47、的人，知道至少他們需要知道的有一些消息。[1]約44%的在線(xiàn)新聞?dòng)脩?hù)一個(gè)星期至少有幾次通過(guò)電子郵件，自動(dòng)更新或從社交網(wǎng)站上的公告得到新聞消息。在2009年，Twitter的每月使用者增加了200%。[2] </p><p>　　而最原始的報(bào)道仍然來(lái)自傳統(tǒng)的記者，技術(shù)使公民的行為變得越來(lái)越可能影響到報(bào)道的整體。 </p><p>　　什么類(lèi)型的新聞報(bào)道消費(fèi)者共享并討論地最多呢？什么問(wèn)題他們比

48、較少的感興趣呢？什么是各種新媒體平臺(tái)的相互作用？其議程設(shè)置與主流媒體相比較又如何呢？</p><p>　　為了回答這些問(wèn)題，皮尤研究中心卓越新聞項(xiàng)目已經(jīng)聚集了一年的數(shù)據(jù)，關(guān)于博客和社交媒體網(wǎng)頁(yè)上聯(lián)系和討論的頭條新聞和七個(gè)月的在Twitter上討論的有價(jià)值信息。我們還分析了一年來(lái)YouTube上最受歡迎的與新聞?dòng)嘘P(guān)的視頻。出現(xiàn)幾個(gè)明顯的趨勢(shì)。</p><p>　　最廣泛的，社交媒體網(wǎng)頁(yè)上受關(guān)

49、注的新聞報(bào)道和問(wèn)題與主流媒體上的有很大的不同。但他們彼此也有很大的不同。29周以來(lái)，我們跟蹤調(diào)查了所有三個(gè)社交媒體平臺(tái)，博客，Twitter和YouTube，他們只有一次頭條新聞是相同的。這是6月15日-6月19日，抗議伊朗選舉時(shí)，這則新聞都是他們?nèi)齻€(gè)的頭條。</p><p>　　每一個(gè)社會(huì)媒體平臺(tái)似乎也有其自己的個(gè)性和功能。經(jīng)過(guò)一年的研究，博客趨向于發(fā)表引起情感的，有關(guān)個(gè)人或群體的權(quán)利的，或引發(fā)思想激情的新聞報(bào)

50、道或故事。往往這些都是些故事，人們可以將其個(gè)性化，然后共享在社會(huì)論壇 - 有的時(shí)候是高于黨派性的語(yǔ)言。而不像一些其他類(lèi)型的媒體，黨派之爭(zhēng)在這里不會(huì)強(qiáng)烈而分明地傾向于一黨或者另一黨。甚至像茶黨抗議這樣的事件，薩拉·佩林和奧巴馬的公眾支持者，保守派和自由派的聲音都很強(qiáng)烈。</p><p>　　相比之下，在Twitter上，技術(shù)是一大重點(diǎn) - 與Twitter本身側(cè)重的重點(diǎn)一樣 - 而政治發(fā)揮了作用小得多。它

51、的主要任務(wù)是傳遞重要的新聞信息，經(jīng)常是突發(fā)性的大事，信息以這樣的方式傳遞——統(tǒng)一或假設(shè)Twitter的社區(qū)內(nèi)有著共同的價(jià)值觀。2009年里Twitter上勝過(guò)其他一切重大新聞的是集中在伊朗大選后的抗議。它導(dǎo)致了連續(xù)7周在Twitter作為頭條新聞故事 - 任何平臺(tái)研究上的任何新聞報(bào)道中的未完成的壯舉。</p><p>　　YouTube在設(shè)置上仍有它的其他特點(diǎn)。在這里，用戶(hù)不經(jīng)常補(bǔ)充意見(jiàn)或額外的見(jiàn)解，而是選擇從數(shù)

52、以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的視頻中分享其中的一部分?？梢宰鳛椴糠纸Y(jié)果，最受矚目的影片都意外的擁有相同的強(qiáng)烈責(zé)任感。他們用強(qiáng)烈的視覺(jué)吸引力激起興趣和好奇心。“嘿，你已經(jīng)看到了這一點(diǎn)”心理反應(yīng)強(qiáng)烈。用戶(hù)在這里也被吸引走向更廣闊的國(guó)際融合，因?yàn)橐曨l作品能夠逾越文字無(wú)法逾越的語(yǔ)言鴻溝。</p><p>　　雖然，所有的三個(gè)社交平臺(tái)，注意力都是短暫的。正如新聞消費(fèi)者不留任何網(wǎng)站，社會(huì)媒體不留任何一個(gè)故事。在博客，53%的頭條新聞在某一周的列

53、表上沒(méi)有超過(guò)三天。在twitter上，這個(gè)數(shù)據(jù)是72%，超過(guò)半數(shù)（52%）頭條新聞在列表上僅僅24小時(shí)。</p><p>　　這些每周頭條的大部分與傳統(tǒng)主流媒體上受關(guān)注的新聞?dòng)兄鴳騽⌒缘牟顒e。博客與傳統(tǒng)媒體的重疊遠(yuǎn)超過(guò)twitter，但即使這樣，每周也只有三分之一的頭條與傳統(tǒng)媒體相同。</p><p>　　相反，社會(huì)媒體關(guān)注的往往是家中故事，這在主流媒體上的關(guān)注度要小得多。這里幾乎沒(méi)有證據(jù)

54、，至少在這一點(diǎn)上，傳統(tǒng)印刷物會(huì)回應(yīng)性地從這些故事中摘抄一些。在整個(gè)一年的研究中，只有一個(gè)特別的故事或事件-爭(zhēng)議過(guò)電子郵件與全球性的研究，后來(lái)被稱(chēng)為“ 氣候門(mén) ” -在博客中成為一個(gè)備受關(guān)注的熱點(diǎn)，然后，一個(gè)星期后，在傳統(tǒng)媒體中獲得了更多的關(guān)注。 </p><p>　　這些都是從第一個(gè)網(wǎng)絡(luò)社交媒體和傳統(tǒng)媒體之間的關(guān)系的綜合實(shí)證評(píng)估中得出的一些結(jié)論。</p><p>　　研究通過(guò)Icerock

55、et和Technorati跟蹤調(diào)查2009年1月19日到2010年1月15日間百萬(wàn)計(jì)的博客和網(wǎng)絡(luò)社交媒介網(wǎng)頁(yè)上的新聞鏈接來(lái)檢驗(yàn)博客和社交媒介。他們同時(shí)跟蹤同一時(shí)間階段YouTube上的新聞?lì)l道。他們衡量twitter通過(guò)跟蹤2009年6月15日到2010年1月15日間的新聞報(bào)道。[4]</p><p><b>　　其中的具體結(jié)果：</b></p><p>　　社交媒體

56、和主流媒體清楚地?fù)碛胁煌淖h程。博客與傳統(tǒng)媒體擁有相同的頭條主題，只是在研究中的49分之13周。 Twitter有著更小地可能性與傳統(tǒng)媒體共享議程——與傳統(tǒng)媒體有相同頭條主題的只是研究中的29分之4周。YouTube上的頭條新聞與傳統(tǒng)媒體相同的是49分之8周。</p><p>　　新聞事件在網(wǎng)絡(luò)社交媒體上獲得關(guān)注如此之快，經(jīng)常是最初報(bào)道的幾小時(shí)內(nèi)，但是消逝的同樣快。在Twitter上的頭5條新聞事件只有5%在接下

57、來(lái)的一周仍然名列表單。這個(gè)數(shù)據(jù)在博客和YouTube上是9%和13%。另一方面，在傳統(tǒng)主流媒體上，這周的前五條新聞報(bào)道足足有50%在接下來(lái)一周保留在前列。</p><p>　　政治，與其說(shuō)是有線(xiàn)電視和電臺(tái)脫口秀節(jié)目的焦點(diǎn)，在博客和YouTube上已經(jīng)找到了自己的位置。博客上，每一周排行前五的新聞報(bào)道鏈接有17%是有關(guān)美國(guó)政府或政治的，往往伴隨著有力的個(gè)人分析或評(píng)論。這在YouTube的新聞視頻上更加普遍，所有的頭

58、條新聞故事中有21%關(guān)于美國(guó)政府與政治。然而，在Twitter上，技術(shù)性的故事遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)比什么都重要，每周排行前五的頭條中占43%，排行前列中占41%。相比之下，在同一階段技術(shù)填補(bǔ)了主流媒體的1%的新聞空白。</p><p>　　雖然網(wǎng)絡(luò)社交媒體擁有與主流媒體不同的議程，博客仍然在很大程度上依賴(lài)于傳統(tǒng)媒體——他們的信息中主要只有很少一些來(lái)自傳統(tǒng)網(wǎng)點(diǎn)。掛在博客的新聞故事超過(guò)99%來(lái)自于傳統(tǒng)的網(wǎng)點(diǎn)，如報(bào)紙和廣播電視網(wǎng)。短短

59、四年 - BBC，CNN和《紐約時(shí)報(bào)》和《華盛頓郵報(bào)》完全占80%的鏈接。 </p><p>　　相比之下，Twitter的，較少依賴(lài)傳統(tǒng)媒體。這里一半的鏈接（50%）是到傳統(tǒng)的網(wǎng)點(diǎn)，40%到單純的新聞網(wǎng)站上，如混搭和CNET新聞來(lái)源。 余下的10%鏈接到在線(xiàn)故事或網(wǎng)上非新聞來(lái)源，比如一個(gè)被稱(chēng)為“綠色簡(jiǎn)報(bào)”的博客，總結(jié)了6月在伊朗的抗議行動(dòng)的每天最新發(fā)展。</p><p>　　在YouTu

60、be上最受歡迎的新聞視頻，同時(shí)，因?yàn)橛兄鼜V闊的國(guó)際融合而脫穎而出。三分之一，26％，關(guān)注度最高的新聞視頻是無(wú)關(guān)美國(guó)的事件，首先是這些有著強(qiáng)烈視覺(jué)吸引力的，比如教皇本尼迪克十六世在盛大的平安夜撞倒在地下，或一段視頻關(guān)于巴西的資深新聞主播在直播時(shí)被抓到侮辱看門(mén)人，因?yàn)闆](méi)有意識(shí)到他的麥克風(fēng)沒(méi)有關(guān)掉。名人和媒體關(guān)注看重的視頻也獲得顯著突出。 </p><p>　　在生產(chǎn)PEJ的新媒體指數(shù)，這項(xiàng)研究的基礎(chǔ)上，有潛在網(wǎng)點(diǎn)的

61、氣息所帶來(lái)的一些挑戰(zhàn)。每一天有數(shù)以百萬(wàn)計(jì)的博客和tweets產(chǎn)生。為了使這一前景可管理，這項(xiàng)研究調(diào)查了這些人使用社交媒介的新聞興趣，作為跟蹤網(wǎng)站的分類(lèi)。PEJ沒(méi)有做出什么決定來(lái)構(gòu)成一個(gè)反對(duì)其他話(huà)題的新聞事件，但一般的，新聞傳統(tǒng)觀念外的領(lǐng)域比如園藝、體育或者其他興趣愛(ài)好不在內(nèi)容的權(quán)限內(nèi)。</p><p>　　通過(guò)重點(diǎn)研究這種類(lèi)型題材，研究建立一個(gè)社交媒體用戶(hù)和傳統(tǒng)新聞媒體之間的新聞議程的密切比較。這種方法往往使主流

62、媒體的議程和新媒體平臺(tái)出現(xiàn)比他們會(huì)更類(lèi)似的題材廣泛的陣列切實(shí)可行的捕捉。因此，不同的議程在這里找到，如果有的話(huà)，是更加驚人。</p><p><b>　　注腳： </b></p><p>　　1 .http://www.journalism.org/analysis_report/understanding_participatory_news_consumer &l

63、t;/p><p>　　2.http://www.emarketer.com/Article.aspx?R=1007271 </p><p>　　3.對(duì)于NMI，博客和Twitter用戶(hù)的優(yōu)先次序，在鏈接的百分比衡量。每次新聞博客或社交媒體網(wǎng)頁(yè)添加一個(gè)鏈接到其網(wǎng)站引導(dǎo)讀者到一個(gè)新聞故事，它表明作者的位置對(duì)文章的內(nèi)容，至少是有一些重要的。用戶(hù)可能會(huì)或可能不同意文章的內(nèi)容，但他們覺(jué)得這是很重要的，足